LA RIOJA, Argentina — They look like cash, fit into wallets like cash and the governor promises they’ll be treated like cash.

But these brightly colored banknotes aren’t pesos, the depreciating national currency of Argentina, or U.S. dollars, everyone’s money of choice here.

They are chachos, a new emergency tender invented by the left-wing populist governor of La Rioja, a province in the country’s northwest that went broke when far-right President Javier Milei slashed federal budget transfers to provinces as part of an unprecedented austerity program.

“Who would have imagined that one day I’d find myself wishing I’d gotten pesos?” said Lucia Vera, a music teacher emerging from a gymnasium packed with state workers waiting to get their monthly bonus of chachos worth 50,000 pesos (about $40).

Across La Rioja’s capital, “Chachos accepted here” decals now appear on the windows of everything from chain supermarkets and gas stations to upscale restaurants and hair salons. The local government guarantees a 1-to-1 exchange rate with pesos, and accepts chachos for tax payments and utilities bills.

But there’s a catch. Chachos can’t be used outside La Rioja, and only registered businesses can swap chachos for pesos at a few government exchange points.

“I need real money,” said Adriana Parcas, a 22-year-old street vendor who pays her suppliers in pesos, after turning down two customers in a row who asked if they could buy her perfumes with chachos.

The bills bear the face of Ángel Vicente “Chacho” Peñaloza, the caudillo, or strongman, famed for defending La Rioja in a 19th-century battle against national authorities in Buenos Aires. A QR code on the banknote links to a website denouncing Milei for refusing to transfer La Rioja its fair share of federal funds.

After entering office in December 2023, Milei swiftly imposed his shock therapy in a bid to reverse decades of budget-busting populism that ran up Argentina’s monumental deficits. The cuts squeezed all of Argentina’s 23 provinces but boiled over into a full-blown crisis in La Rioja, where the public payroll accounts for two-thirds of registered workers and the federal government’s redistributed taxes cover some 90% of the provincial budget.

With just 384,600 people and little industry beyond walnuts and olives, La Rioja received more discretionary federal funds than any other last year except Buenos Aires, home to 17.6 million people. Yet the province’s poverty rate tops 66% — the result, critics say, of a patronage system long used to placate interest groups at the expense of efficiency.

While Milei’s reforms forced other provinces to tighten their belts and lay off thousands of employees, Governor Ricardo Quintela — an ambitious power broker in Argentina’s long-dominant Peronist movement and one of Milei’s fiercest critics — refused to absorb the strife of austerity.

“I’m not going to take food from the people of La Rioja to pay the debt that the government owes us,” Quintela told The Associated Press, portraying his chacho-printing plan as a daring stand against 10 months of crumbling wages, rising unemployment and deepening misery under Milei.

La Rioja defaulted on its debts in February and August. A New York federal judge ordered the province to pay American and British bondholders nearly $40 million in damages in September. Argentina’s Supreme Court is taking up the case of the province’s refusal to charge consumers sky-high prices for electricity after Milei’s removal of subsidies.

“There’s an alternative path to the cruelty of policies that the president is applying,” Quintela said.

He appeared confident, speaking as Milei’s approval ratings dipped below 50% for the first time since the radical economist came to power.

But as Milei and his allies tell it, Quintela’s alternative offers little more than a return to Argentina’s habitual Peronist preserve of reckless spending — and insolvency — that delivered the unmitigated crisis that his government inherited.

“You were used to having your tie fastened for you and your shoes polished, but now, you’ve got to tie the knot yourself,” Eduardo Serenellini, press secretary of Milei’s office, snapped at La Rioja business leaders on a recent visit to the province. “When you run out of cash, you run out cash.”

Serenellini picked up a chacho note, then flicked it away like lint.

Gov. Quintela’s gambit in the remote province has had little effect on Argentina’s federal finances, but that could change if more cash-strapped provinces catch on, as happened during Argentina’s terrible financial crisis of 2001, when a similarly brutal austerity scheme sent over a dozen provinces scrambling to print their own parallel currencies.

Unlike two decades ago, when former President Néstor Kirchner, a Peronist, put an end to the chaos by redeeming “patacones,” “cecacores” and “boncanfores” for pesos, President Milei has ruled out a bailout for La Rioja.

“We will not be accomplices to irresponsible people,” Milei warned in a recent interview with Argentine TV channel Todo Noticias. But the libertarian purist added that he couldn’t stop La Rioja from doing what it pleased, considering that Argentina’s constitution allows for such desperate financial workarounds.

The chacho hit the streets in August after La Rioja’s legislature approved plans to run off $22.5 billion pesos worth of the currency to help cover up to 30% of public sector salaries.

With La Rioja’s average income sinking below $200 per month and stores shuttering for lack of business, authorities doled out 8.4 billion pesos worth of the scrip in monthly bonuses in August and September, an effort to help workers cope with Argentina’s 230% annual inflation and spur the stricken local economy.

To encourage the chacho’s use, authorities promise to pay interest of 17% on bills held to maturity on December 31.

“The closer we get to the expiration date, the more we’ll see public confidence in the chacho increase,” said provincial treasurer adviser Carlos Nardillo Giraud.

Most state workers interviewed in the many chacho lines spilling onto La Rioja’s sidewalks last month said they wanted to get rid of the bills as quickly as possible.

“Now the chacho is an alternative, an option for people who can’t make it to the end of the month,” said 30-year-old physics teacher Daniela Parra, mounting her boyfriend’s motorcycle with arms full of chachos, ready to spend them all in one go at the supermarket. “Who knows what will it be next month?”

On the streets, merchants said they felt locked in a catch-22.

Rejecting chachos meant turning away customers with new spending power in a deep recession. But accepting chachos meant filling cash registers with money that’s worthless to foreign suppliers and already changing hands at a discount to pesos on the street.

“They’ve formed a system where you’re forced to depend on the state for everything,” said Juan Keulian, the director of La Rioja’s Center for Commerce and Industry. “There’s no choice in a place like this.”
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BANGKOK — Southeast Asia is bearing the mounting brunt of U.S. trade curbs aimed at stemming the forced labor of ethnic minority Uyghurs in China, with billions of dollars in blocked exports, the latest U.S. trade figures show.

Economists and human rights experts ascribe the heavy hit the region is taking to global supply chains shifting to reroute exports from China through Southeast Asia and to China’s persistent dominance in key commodities.

With both powerful forces at play, Southeast Asia is “caught in the middle,” Jayant Menon, a senior fellow at the ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, told VOA.

The United States has detained $3.56 billion worth of imports in all since its Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act, or UFLPA, took effect in mid-2022, according to recent figures from U.S. Customs and Border Protection. Some 86% of those, more than $3 billion worth, arrived from Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam. Only $395 million arrived directly from China.

The act forbids imports of any products made in whole or in part in China’s Xinjiang autonomous region, the Uyghurs’ historic homeland, presuming they have been made with forced labor. While many of the shipments are eventually allowed to enter the United States, the burden is on the importer to secure their release by proving the products are produced without forced labor, a process that can take months.

The United States and other governments have accused China of genocide over its treatment of the mostly Muslim Uyghurs for subjecting them to not only forced labor but mass surveillance and detention, religious persecution and forced sterilization — all denied by Beijing.

Xinjiang is a major source of some commodities crucial to the global supply chain, including 12% of the world’s aluminum, more than a third of the polysilicon for solar panels and 90% of the cotton produced by China, according to the Coalition to End Forced Labor in the Uyghur Region, a global network of rights groups.

Many of those supply chains now flow through Southeast Asia for reasons beyond just the UFLPA, said Nick Marro, principal Asia economist and global trade lead analyst for the Economist Intelligence Unit.

“For years, multinational companies — both Chinese and non-Chinese owned — have been pouring investment into Southeast Asia to construct supply chains aimed at dodging U.S. tariffs,” he told VOA.

While far from the only reason for the influx, he said, “shifting some production chains to Vietnam or Thailand, for example, can obfuscate whether a good might originally be produced in China.”

“This isn’t necessarily a fool-proof strategy,” Marro said. “U.S. trade authorities are very sensitive to illegal transshipments and other efforts aimed at circumventing U.S. duties. But for some supply chains, cracking down on these activities can be challenging — especially for products like cotton, which is notoriously difficult to trace.”

Evolving supply chains now require looking beyond exports arriving directly from China to catch what’s made there, said Menon, a former lead economist for trade with the Asian Development Bank.

“Increasingly there’s production and value addition in multiple countries,” he said. “Simply looking at goods that emanate from Xinjiang to the U.S. will not capture the intended objective.”

Of the slightly more than $3 billion worth of exports the United States has detained from Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam because of the UFLPA, the vast majority, $2.96 billion, have been electronics, including solar panels.

Louisa Greve, global advocacy director for the Washington-based Uyghur Human Rights Project, ascribes that to the surge of investment from Chinese solar panel makers into Southeast Asia starting more than a decade ago.

“We don’t know of any Uyghurs working in Southeast Asia in solar, but we do know where the polysilicon has to come from. That’s the issue,” she told VOA. “It’s about the components.”

Greve added that the Southeast Asian countries and companies involved in importing and incorporating that polysilicon into the solar panels they help make and export also risk being complicit in the state-sponsored forced labor that goes into producing it in China.

“Thirty-five percent of the world’s polysilicon, or solar-grade polysilicon, is coming from China. It’s up to every manufacturer, like the plants that are actually making solar panels in Southeast Asia … to say, ‘We have to be responsible for the raw materials that we’re using,’” she said.

Menon asserted the UFLPA could benefit low-wage countries less tainted by forced labor than China by driving more business their way, but he said that Southeast Asia will still struggle to wean itself off Chinese supplies.

“China is still the hub or the center of ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations] supply chains. That hasn’t changed. There’s been some reconfiguration taking place, but by and large, China’s not going away,” he said.

Menon said that “blunt” trade tools like the act can also hurt the countries in the middle of those supply chains by driving existing production and investment away, leaving local workers with less work or fewer jobs.

“This [act] is quite a big move, quite a massive measure, and so I’d be surprised if it doesn’t have some impact in moving production around,” he said. “If you ban imports in this way, inevitably there will be some shifts that move production in a way that tries to circumvent those bans.”

Marro said the same pressures that drove companies to “de-risk” by moving production from China to Southeast Asia years ago could yet prove a “double-edged sword.” While the shift has boosted Southeast Asia’s economies, the costs may mount as the United States and others start taking a harder look at countries helping China evade their trade curbs.

Even with only 11 months of the 2024 fiscal year reported, U.S. customs figures show the UFLPA blocked more imports from Southeast Asia over the past year than the year before.

Marro said enforcement efforts were at a “very real risk” of picking up but added that geopolitics could also intervene.

“As much as U.S. officials want to crack down on Chinese tariff circumvention, there’s an equal effort to avoid isolating Southeast Asia when it comes to the U.S.’s increasingly hawkish strategy towards China,” he said. “This balancing act will characterize the future of U.S. policy to the region.”
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NAIROBI, KENYA — Africa has seen the capacity of its ports grow significantly over the years, but a report from the Africa Finance Corporation says the expansions, upgrades and investments have not led to better inland logistics and supply chains.

Since 2005, African ports have received an estimated $15 billion in investments, allowing them to accommodate larger ships and offload more cargo for transportation across the continent.

According to the African Development Bank, port development has led to increased traffic. Between 2011 and 2021, container units passing through African ports increased by nearly 50%, from 24.5 million to 35.8 million.

Gabriel Sounouvou, a Guinean specialist in logistics and supply chain management, said port investments have multiple benefits, including better integration with the global supply chain and a reduction in corruption.

“We cannot modernize the port without technology integration,” Sounouvou said. “So … when the government modernizes the port, they also create this transparency that reduces corruption.”

However, according to the Africa Finance Corporation’s 2024 report, “State of Africa’s Infrastructure,” the increased capacity at ports has yet to lead to an efficient logistical supply chain across the continent.

The researchers say African governments have neglected road and railway networks, which are unevenly distributed, of poor quality and underused, which limits their usefulness.

Sounouvou said bad roads make it hard to do business in Africa, especially outside coastal areas.

“Many road corridors are not good for trucks,” Sounouvou said, adding that trucks “can spend more than 10 days instead of three in landlocked countries.”

Jonas Aryee, head of Maritime Economics and International Trade Modules at Plymouth University in England, said human factors also make it difficult to transport goods across Africa.

“Some countries are still not opening up, and they’re protecting their local industries from those of their fellow African countries,” Aryee said.

“You will find several roadblocks — from police, from customs, from gendarmes — in many countries when goods are going through,” he said. “And it’s made the cost of doing business in Africa so high.”

The Africa Finance Corporation study shows the continent has 680,000 kilometers of paved roads, just 10% of the total found in India, which has a similar population but one-tenth the land area.

Experts say the roads connecting countries in Africa have remained in bad shape because countries have not formed a joint team to invest in, build and manage highways that could improve the free flow of goods and people.

While road networks remain underdeveloped in many African countries, the AFC report said port investments are expected to continue, with several new terminals confirmed for development in countries such as Angola, Benin, Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana and Ivory Coast.
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